Polity group that rulled Bhutan for the last 5 years. His Majesty nominated on 8th May from this old group, 5 of his representatives to the National Council to counter-react against the 20 National Councillors elected by the public on 23rd April that comprises the upper house of the parliament (see foto below). In this election only two Lhotshampas got elected from the Lhotshampa populated six Southern districts. They are namely Kamal Gurung from Tsirang and Mon Bahadur Magar from Sarpang districts. The king did not nominated any of the ethnic Lhotshampa in this term too, so the percentage. Therefore the Lhotshampa representation in the National Council is only 2%. This ethnic representation is dropping down in each election term. (From left-Right) Dasho Karma Yezer Raydi, Kuenlay Tshering, Karma Damcho Nidup, Tashi Wangmo and Tashi Wangyal The artcile 11 (1b) of the constitution reserves the power of the king to assert his representative to this house of parliament but does not illustrates the norms for their nomination. If it was truly a democratic process then public should have given the right to vote to secure the approval of the group of representatives the king may nominate. The king did not nominated any Lhotshampas to have a balance in representation either. Among the five registered political parties that submitted the intention to contest for the National Assembly election to be held on 31 may 2013, only four could contest because Bhutan Kuennyam Party could not get two candidates to contest for each of the 47 constituencies, mainly for Gasa district. The Election commission ruled that ' the candidate must be a graduate one,' is responsibly a malice act that pushes the emerging political parties to succeed and make Bhutan a multi party democraticy due to the fact that the remote districts like Gasa, Yangtshe and Dagana districts may not have such able and aspiring contesting candidates. Therefore quite a number of aspiring Lhotshampas do loose the chance to come up in the polity which if succeded could have contributed a bit to balance the ethnical composition of the members in the parliament.

 On 6th March 2013 the king of Bhutan posed for a photo (see BBS foto below)  with the group of polity- the government machinery that rulled the country for the first five years of elected government- March 2008 to April 2013.  Although it was called democratic on the ground of election and in comparison to the previous absolute monarchy, this group of rulers never discussed to allow the exiled Bhutanese Lhotshampa minorities from the UNHCR refugee camps in Nepal. 
This machinery was also bent to drive these refugees further in the same way the absolute monarchy of His Majesty King Jigme Syngye Wangchuk did previously, although they had ten sessions of parliamentary meetings. In this regard, the government run by the prime minister Jigme Yoeser Thinlay was no better than the absolute monarchy since, it also violated the rights of the people and the international norms, the right to return home. About 30 000 refugees are still in the refugee camps in Nepal while other 100 000 were forced to migrate to different Western countries. 

Polity group that rulled Bhutan for the last 5 years.

His Majesty nominated on 8th May from this old group, 5 of his representatives to the National Council to counter-react against the 20 National Councillors elected by the public on 23rd April that comprises the upper house of the parliament (see foto below). In this election only two Lhotshampas got elected from the Lhotshampa populated six Southern districts. They are namely Kamal Gurung from Tsirang and Mon Bahadur Magar from Sarpang districts. The king did not nominated any of the ethnic Lhotshampa in this term too, so the percentage. Therefore the Lhotshampa representation in the National Council is only 2%. This ethnic representation is dropping down in each election term.

(From left-Right) Dasho Karma Yezer Raydi, Kuenlay Tshering,   

Karma Damcho Nidup, Tashi Wangmo and Tashi Wangyal

The artcile 11 (1b) of the constitution reserves the power of the king to assert his representative to this house of parliament but does not illustrates the norms for their nomination. If it was truly a democratic process then public should have given the right to vote to secure the approval of the group of representatives the king may nominate. The king did not nominated any Lhotshampas to have a balance in representation either.

Among the five registered political parties that submitted the intention to contest for the National Assembly election to be held on 31 may 2013, only four could contest because Bhutan Kuennyam Party could not get two candidates to contest for each of the 47 constituencies, mainly for Gasa district. The Election commission ruled that ' the candidate must be a graduate one,' is responsibly a malice act that pushes the emerging political parties to succeed and make Bhutan a multi party democraticy due to the fact that the remote districts like Gasa, Yangtshe and Dagana districts may not have such able and aspiring contesting candidates.

Therefore quite a number of aspiring Lhotshampas do loose the chance to come up in the polity which if succeded could have contributed a bit to balance the ethnical composition of the members in the parliament. 

 

The rulers of this state, whether monarchy or democratic appear always to overwhelm the polity by the elites Drukpas and oppress the Lothshamps, a perceived vision of the 4th King under whose rule and mission such a big number of the Lhotshampa minorities were exiled about 20 years earlier.